An interesting
case has come into prominence in Europe very recently. Three
Irish women who had to go to Britain to procure the termination
of their pregnancies are filing a suit before the European Court
of Human Rights challenging the Irish Constitution, which protects
all human life from the moment of conception. Their contention
is that the lack of abortion facilities in Ireland breaches
the human rights of women to terminate their pregnancies.
There are
two distinct legal problems involved in this case. One, whether
the women have a right to terminate their pregnancies; and two,
whether the European Court of Human Rights can overturn the
Constitution of one of its member States.
The Irish
Constitution guarantees to its citizens the right to life, from
the moment of conception till the time of natural death. Consistent
with this basic principle, any services which are intended to
terminate human life at any stage are banned, except in special
circumstances duly provided by law. There are no “abortion
clinics” in Ireland where women can obtain elective abortions.
Those who want to have abortions usually travel to Britain,
where such services are available.
The present
case presents not only a legal challenge, but also a challenge
to the cultural and moral values which have defined European
civilization and tradition. This case comes just two months
after Ireland became a signatory to the Treaty of Lisbon. The
Lisbon Treaty came into operation on December 1st 2009. The
Republic of Ireland signed the Treaty hesitatingly only after
receiving assurances that it’s Constitution would be respected
and protected, and that no actions of the European Union would
in any way infringe upon the rights guaranteed to it’s
citizens by the Irish Constitution.
The case
filed by the three Irish women poses a direct challenge to the
Irish Constitution, and it will be interesting to see how the
European Court of Human Rights will deal with this matter. The
decision of the European Court of Human Rights will have very
far-reaching consequences, not only for the members of the European
Union, but also for other countries which are not part of the
European Union.
It is commonly
understood that the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty
establishing the European Community which have been updated
by the Treaty of Lisbon do not, in any way, infringe upon the
sovereign rights of the member states of the E.U. All the institutions
of the E.U. whether political, economic or social are only set
up with the explicit consent of the member States. There are
no “overriding powers” given to the E.U. A cursory
reading of the terms of the Treaty of Lisbon reveals that what
undergirds the Treaty are the principles of Subsidiarity and
Proportionality (Article 3 b). In the common man’s language,
this means that the E.U. pledges itself not to override the
laws, structures, or institutions of its Member States. In fact,
it explicitly avers that the E.U. will only act in those areas
on which the Member States have authorized it to act. Article
2 A, section 5 reads: “In certain areas and under the
conditions laid down in the Treaties, the Union shall have competence
to carry out actions to support, coordinate or supplement the
actions of the Member States, without thereby superseding their
competence in these areas.
Legally
binding acts of the Union adopted on the basis of the provisions
of the Treaties relating to these areas shall not entail harmonization
of Member States laws or regulations.”
To the
(legally) untrained mind of a layman it appears that the claim
of the three Irish women that the non-availability of abortion
services in Ireland constitutes a violation of their ‘human
rights’ is not only legally untenable, but is also ethically
specious.
The
ethico-cultural dimension.
Keeping aside the legal conundrum for the jurists to unravel,
it is important that we consider the ethical and social implications
of the claim that women have a right to arbitrarily terminate
their pregnancies, and that, therefore, the State has a duty
to provide them with all the facilities required for this purpose.
The vast
majority of medical opinion holds that a human embryo or foetus
is a distinct human person. This should be obvious to anyone
with common sense. A human foetus is not a cat or a dog or a
mouse – it is human, and will eventually develop into
a fully recognizable human being. Therefore the act of destroying
a human foetus is clearly an act of destroying a human being.
The second consideration is also clear. The embryo or the foetus
is a distinct being, and not a “part” of a woman’s
body. The woman only hosts the foetus until it is time for it
to develop on its own. Nature has provided all (female) mammals
with wombs to enable the embryos to develop into foetuses and
then to grow into fully developed individuals who can survive
outside the womb. Even outside the womb, the infants have to
be nurtured and taken care of until such time as they are able
to take care of themselves. The common sense understanding of
the process is that a mother is “entrusted” with
the well-being of her child till the child becomes an adult
and can take care of herself/himself. Without getting involved
in any technical debates, it is obvious that an unborn baby
is a human person with rights and privileges like any other
human person. These rights and privileges have to be respected
and protected – first of all by the parents themselves,
and specially the mother, and then, also by society.
Any society
which has permitted the killing of unborn babies has violated
it’s fundamental responsibility to protect the lives of
it’s citizens, specially those who are the weakest and
therefore the most vulnerable. Once a society opens its doors
to the murder of innocent children – for that is what
abortion really is - there is no limit to which it can proceed
with permitting the murder of other citizens. The inexorable
logic of permitting murder is that that society is doomed to
become a society which condones, and even actively promotes,
the murder of the elderly, who are considered to be a drag on
society, of the physically disabled, the mentally challenged
and the economically disprivileged. Human history, even in the
very recent past, has shown that societies can become brutal
and oppressive and murderous. Such dehumanized societies can
find all kinds of reasons to eliminate large sections of its
citizens: either reasons of physical or mental deficiencies,
or reasons of race, or reasons of ethnicity, or of colour of
the skin, or language.
The problem
starts with the basic disrespect for human life. Humankind has
not yet learned that all life is sacred, specially human life,
which represents the pinnacle of evolution. We are confronted
with serious contradictions in our own behavior. We form societies
to protect animals and trees, turtles and whales and dolphins,
but at the same time we condone – nay, even actively propagate,
the murder of human beings at any stage of their development
– from within the womb to old age. Modern society has
found a devious way to cloak the grim reality of murder by cloaking
it under euphemisms such as “the medical termination of
pregnancy”, the movement of “death with dignity,”
the “right to die,” and other stupid excuses such
as “ethnic cleansing” or “eugenics.”
However we might seek to escape the stark reality, murder remains
murder – under any form or description. We seem to have
forgotten that no human authority has given us life, and, consequently,
no human authority – whether a pregnant woman, a doctor
or the State, can destroy life, except under very exceptional
circumstances, and under due process of law.
In his
Rosenthal Lectures given at the Northwestern University School
of Law in 1960, Lord Radcliffe reminds us: “Suddenly the
old question, The law of God or the law of man?, which in times
of less stress and in communities of lower tension seems only
an echo of a “battle long ago,” became once more
a dreadful reality. It is because of those experiences, which
have been added to the imaginative inheritance of European history,
that so many men have begun again to ask whether the law itself
must not teach that it and all its demands, no matter with what
formal legality they may be clothed, are subject to the overriding
veto of a law of Nature or a law of God.”